The Case for Mr. Khaddam
On a late December evening in 2005, Alarabia Satellite channel broadcasted an interview with the exiled former Syrian vice-president Abdul Halim Khaddam where he publicly criticized the regime of Bashar Assad for failing to modernize the country and advance the cause of freedom and democracy in Syria, while in the same time hinting at the involvement of the Syrian government in the assassination of the late Lebanese Prime minister Rafik Harriri. The interview prompted the Syrian Parliament to hold an emergency session the next day which was broadcasted live on official Syrian news channels were Mr. Khaddam was publicly accused of treason and corruption charges. All his assets along with his sons, daughters and all his immediate relatives’ asset’s and bank accounts were declared illegal and immediately seized by the government.
Earlier in the summer of the same year, Mr. Khaddam had quietly left Syria heading to the French capital after stunning delegates at the 10th Ba’ath party regional conference with a lengthy speech that criticized the government of Syria for mishandling its foreign policy and the Lebanese file. By the end of the hour long speech Mr. Khaddam dropped a bombshell by announcing his resignation from all government and party posts.
Mr. Khaddam’s resignation, and subsequent defection that broke ranks with his established 40 years of Ba’athiest solidarity with the regime, sent shockwaves throughout the political circles across the Middle-East, after all this was a man second in line to the presidency who had been entrusted by the late Assad with the most sensitive diplomatic tasks which ensured the political survival of the country and the regime for decades.
Among his impressive and extensive long years of public service in his portfolio, Mr. Khaddam is also a graduate of law school from Damascus University and a former attorney general, a profession seems to be befitting his current stand and position as a leading figure in the opposition movement against the Syrian regime. If there is a time where Mr. Khaddam great skills are needed to present his case to the Syrian people it is now, as many analysts and observers doubted his abilities to mount any serious threat to the Damascus regime.
But today, Mr. Khaddam no longer needs to prove his credibility or make his case with the Syrian people, as his actions speak louder than his words. Instead of retiring to the safe-havens of Western capitals to slip quietly into the luxurious and serene life of the modern world as other former leading figures in Syrian politics have done, Mr. Khaddam Opted to take on one of the most arduous task in the history of Syrian politics which is to unite all factions and sects on the opposition front and bring them all under one umbrella led by The National Salvation Front.
Critics of Mr. Khaddam have argued and ascribed his motives to be involved once again at the age of 76 in politics to be of egotistical and self-centered in nature. Nothing can be further from the truth. Those same critics seem to forget that Mr. Khaddam’s well to do financial position can afford him many alternatives and incentives to distance himself and his family from the Syrian political arena forever and spare himself the danger of another political assassination. Yet his choice to be personally and financially involved and his persistence at making a case for the opposition seem to dispel the notion of any conceited reasons behind his actions.
Others have argued that greed and money is the major drive for Mr. Khaddam . If money was the case, then Mr. Khaddam efforts and personal financial backing of the NSF are proof to the contrary. With all the talks of the necessity to promote democratic values and organizations in the Middle-East, no country or organization have yet come forward with substantial financial help to the cash starved NSF, although it is the only current political organization that seem to have gathered enough momentum away from the oppressive nature of the regime in Syria to be able to work freely to bring about a peaceful change and speak on behalf of the politically oppressed masses in the country.
Still others have cited an insatiable appetite for power at play. This misleading perception originated after rumors that Mr. Khaddam had objected to the ascension of Bashar Assad to power shortly after his father passed away and was harshly rebuked. An unfounded allegation that cites neither source nor whom had done the rebuke. Even if Mr. Khaddam had objected to Basher’s ascension to power, it would have been his right and his constitutional prerogative as the acting president after the death of the late Hafez Assad. In fact, it is reported that shortly after the death of Hafez, Basher’s allies have worked tirelessly to prevent Mr. Khaddam from assuming his constitutional duties as acting president. Foreign Minister Farouq Al-sharaa have led the efforts in that regard by instructing foreign embassies to send all their condolences to Bashar Assad instead of Mr. Khaddam, the constitutional acting president at the time. For more than four decades Mr. Khaddam had been one heartbeat away from the presidency, yet his ambitions have never come into questions ‘till his defection and subsequent formation of the NSF. If this power hungry Ba’athiest, as some described him, wanted to come back at his age as the newly reformed president of a democratic Syria, he would be the least favorable candidate in a free election. In addition, his efforts to strengthen an opposition movement under the leadership of the NSF in Western Europe, where free and capable political figures and elites can and must debate issues within a democratic forum to win two thirds of votes of the members of the general secretariat for any decision to become a charter of that organization, his chances are not any better in convincing the majority.
Objections to Mr. Khaddam’s actions stemming from ordinary Syrians at first were based on corruption charges as to the ways he had amassed his personal fortune while he was in power. A charge that can not be easily dispelled by him as it would be coming from the accused and the conventional wisdom is to dismiss his pleas of innocence as another politician lacking credibility. Yet looking at this single most prevalent accusation closely, and following Mr. Khaddam’s actions since his defection, would give us a clearer picture to assess the believability of his statements. A corrupt person would not necessarily strive to initiate a Western style political organization where freedom of speech and public debates are at play, as this will increase the chances of the subject of his corruption and background being brought to forum anytime within the organization quarterly meetings. In fact, this was exactly the case during the second annual conference meeting of the NSF in Berlin last September, where the subject was brought up in open discussion among the participants and was strongly refuted by Mr. Khaddam in an eloquent fashion. The dignified manner in which he addressed his own personal financial means at questions in public was truly heroic. He challenged the accuser at the meeting of bringing up any evidence as to a single corruption charge that he or his sons were involved in throughout his life in office; and openly called if anyone ever would come forward with such evidence, he would be willing to stand trail by the Syrian courts. The same challenge he indicated had been presented and investigated by the regime while he was in office during the late Assad time, and the regime have come out empty handed. His statements in previous interviews on certain Satellite news channels have also addressed these issues in greater details publicly, while several websites have published his versions of events regarding specific incidents of corruption charges leveled against his son.
Once must ask, why would a gentleman of Mr. Khaddam stature endure such public embarrassments again and again at his age if his motives were not purely nationalistic in nature?
Still others have seen his alliance with the Muslim Brotherhood organization as an opportunistic move to advance his cause in assuming power if ever a regime change happens. A truly misguided notion as to the political factors in play, as many observers and superpowers have now come to terms that excluding the Islamist element from the political arena’s of the Middle-East is a futile endeavor and can not be a realistic solution to establishing governments by the people and for the people of the Middle-East. Examples are in abundance as Algerians, Palestinians, Lebanese, and Iraqi people struggle with such an obstacle to forming their respective national governments. Islamists will always play the biggest factor in Middle-East politics and a policy of inclusion which at the same time calls for the separation of powers and a clear divide between Mosque and State, can go
a long way in bringing all parties involved to national consensus.
Some opposition groups and members have suspiciously viewed Mr. Khaddam’s defection as a ploy by an ex-Ba’athiest to squander the efforts of the true Syrian dissenting voices around the globe, a ridiculous notion that seem to have found receptive audience to it in important corners of world capitals. For all we know Mr. Khaddam might still be a Ba’athiest at heart, but his grandstand public resignation from the party and his current actions and words are in line with a democratic reformer who can bring to the opposition much needed experience and insights into the inner workings of the Assad monopoly on power and this, no one can refute.
Finally, if we are to bestow accolades on the merits of Mr. Khaddam’s actions after his defection from the regime and subsequent change of heart as to the necessity of change in Syria, we can credit him with one of the most important happening in Syrian politics since the Assad clan took power in 1970, the formation of the National Salvation Front, a nascent fledging democratic organization with a membership count that seem to grow bigger and stronger by the day and attract forces of all ideologies and backgrounds under its umbrella in order to affect a change for the better in Syria. This can be the single most truly significant achievement up to date which Mr. Khaddam has brought about to Syrian politics.
Earlier in the summer of the same year, Mr. Khaddam had quietly left Syria heading to the French capital after stunning delegates at the 10th Ba’ath party regional conference with a lengthy speech that criticized the government of Syria for mishandling its foreign policy and the Lebanese file. By the end of the hour long speech Mr. Khaddam dropped a bombshell by announcing his resignation from all government and party posts.
Mr. Khaddam’s resignation, and subsequent defection that broke ranks with his established 40 years of Ba’athiest solidarity with the regime, sent shockwaves throughout the political circles across the Middle-East, after all this was a man second in line to the presidency who had been entrusted by the late Assad with the most sensitive diplomatic tasks which ensured the political survival of the country and the regime for decades.
Among his impressive and extensive long years of public service in his portfolio, Mr. Khaddam is also a graduate of law school from Damascus University and a former attorney general, a profession seems to be befitting his current stand and position as a leading figure in the opposition movement against the Syrian regime. If there is a time where Mr. Khaddam great skills are needed to present his case to the Syrian people it is now, as many analysts and observers doubted his abilities to mount any serious threat to the Damascus regime.
But today, Mr. Khaddam no longer needs to prove his credibility or make his case with the Syrian people, as his actions speak louder than his words. Instead of retiring to the safe-havens of Western capitals to slip quietly into the luxurious and serene life of the modern world as other former leading figures in Syrian politics have done, Mr. Khaddam Opted to take on one of the most arduous task in the history of Syrian politics which is to unite all factions and sects on the opposition front and bring them all under one umbrella led by The National Salvation Front.
Critics of Mr. Khaddam have argued and ascribed his motives to be involved once again at the age of 76 in politics to be of egotistical and self-centered in nature. Nothing can be further from the truth. Those same critics seem to forget that Mr. Khaddam’s well to do financial position can afford him many alternatives and incentives to distance himself and his family from the Syrian political arena forever and spare himself the danger of another political assassination. Yet his choice to be personally and financially involved and his persistence at making a case for the opposition seem to dispel the notion of any conceited reasons behind his actions.
Others have argued that greed and money is the major drive for Mr. Khaddam . If money was the case, then Mr. Khaddam efforts and personal financial backing of the NSF are proof to the contrary. With all the talks of the necessity to promote democratic values and organizations in the Middle-East, no country or organization have yet come forward with substantial financial help to the cash starved NSF, although it is the only current political organization that seem to have gathered enough momentum away from the oppressive nature of the regime in Syria to be able to work freely to bring about a peaceful change and speak on behalf of the politically oppressed masses in the country.
Still others have cited an insatiable appetite for power at play. This misleading perception originated after rumors that Mr. Khaddam had objected to the ascension of Bashar Assad to power shortly after his father passed away and was harshly rebuked. An unfounded allegation that cites neither source nor whom had done the rebuke. Even if Mr. Khaddam had objected to Basher’s ascension to power, it would have been his right and his constitutional prerogative as the acting president after the death of the late Hafez Assad. In fact, it is reported that shortly after the death of Hafez, Basher’s allies have worked tirelessly to prevent Mr. Khaddam from assuming his constitutional duties as acting president. Foreign Minister Farouq Al-sharaa have led the efforts in that regard by instructing foreign embassies to send all their condolences to Bashar Assad instead of Mr. Khaddam, the constitutional acting president at the time. For more than four decades Mr. Khaddam had been one heartbeat away from the presidency, yet his ambitions have never come into questions ‘till his defection and subsequent formation of the NSF. If this power hungry Ba’athiest, as some described him, wanted to come back at his age as the newly reformed president of a democratic Syria, he would be the least favorable candidate in a free election. In addition, his efforts to strengthen an opposition movement under the leadership of the NSF in Western Europe, where free and capable political figures and elites can and must debate issues within a democratic forum to win two thirds of votes of the members of the general secretariat for any decision to become a charter of that organization, his chances are not any better in convincing the majority.
Objections to Mr. Khaddam’s actions stemming from ordinary Syrians at first were based on corruption charges as to the ways he had amassed his personal fortune while he was in power. A charge that can not be easily dispelled by him as it would be coming from the accused and the conventional wisdom is to dismiss his pleas of innocence as another politician lacking credibility. Yet looking at this single most prevalent accusation closely, and following Mr. Khaddam’s actions since his defection, would give us a clearer picture to assess the believability of his statements. A corrupt person would not necessarily strive to initiate a Western style political organization where freedom of speech and public debates are at play, as this will increase the chances of the subject of his corruption and background being brought to forum anytime within the organization quarterly meetings. In fact, this was exactly the case during the second annual conference meeting of the NSF in Berlin last September, where the subject was brought up in open discussion among the participants and was strongly refuted by Mr. Khaddam in an eloquent fashion. The dignified manner in which he addressed his own personal financial means at questions in public was truly heroic. He challenged the accuser at the meeting of bringing up any evidence as to a single corruption charge that he or his sons were involved in throughout his life in office; and openly called if anyone ever would come forward with such evidence, he would be willing to stand trail by the Syrian courts. The same challenge he indicated had been presented and investigated by the regime while he was in office during the late Assad time, and the regime have come out empty handed. His statements in previous interviews on certain Satellite news channels have also addressed these issues in greater details publicly, while several websites have published his versions of events regarding specific incidents of corruption charges leveled against his son.
Once must ask, why would a gentleman of Mr. Khaddam stature endure such public embarrassments again and again at his age if his motives were not purely nationalistic in nature?
Still others have seen his alliance with the Muslim Brotherhood organization as an opportunistic move to advance his cause in assuming power if ever a regime change happens. A truly misguided notion as to the political factors in play, as many observers and superpowers have now come to terms that excluding the Islamist element from the political arena’s of the Middle-East is a futile endeavor and can not be a realistic solution to establishing governments by the people and for the people of the Middle-East. Examples are in abundance as Algerians, Palestinians, Lebanese, and Iraqi people struggle with such an obstacle to forming their respective national governments. Islamists will always play the biggest factor in Middle-East politics and a policy of inclusion which at the same time calls for the separation of powers and a clear divide between Mosque and State, can go
a long way in bringing all parties involved to national consensus.
Some opposition groups and members have suspiciously viewed Mr. Khaddam’s defection as a ploy by an ex-Ba’athiest to squander the efforts of the true Syrian dissenting voices around the globe, a ridiculous notion that seem to have found receptive audience to it in important corners of world capitals. For all we know Mr. Khaddam might still be a Ba’athiest at heart, but his grandstand public resignation from the party and his current actions and words are in line with a democratic reformer who can bring to the opposition much needed experience and insights into the inner workings of the Assad monopoly on power and this, no one can refute.
Finally, if we are to bestow accolades on the merits of Mr. Khaddam’s actions after his defection from the regime and subsequent change of heart as to the necessity of change in Syria, we can credit him with one of the most important happening in Syrian politics since the Assad clan took power in 1970, the formation of the National Salvation Front, a nascent fledging democratic organization with a membership count that seem to grow bigger and stronger by the day and attract forces of all ideologies and backgrounds under its umbrella in order to affect a change for the better in Syria. This can be the single most truly significant achievement up to date which Mr. Khaddam has brought about to Syrian politics.
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